11 June 2008

Bernanke's Conundrum


Tim Duy does a nice job of summarizing the tradeoff the Fed faces with regard to the weakening dollar and the weakening economy. Do they raise rates to strengthen the dollar, but in so doing hammer the staggering economy? Or do they cut rates to give some relief to the economy but allow the dollar to continue to weaken, spiking commodity prices and further fanning inflation?

This is nothing new. This is the balancing act, the endgame, that the Fed has been locked into since at least 2003. The difference is that the failure in the private debt markets has circumscribed the amount of maneuvering room that the Fed has in playing its 'right hand does this, but left hand does that' routine.

We suspect the Fed will appear to hold rates steady, in an attempt to placate the global central banks and their constituents, while maintaining artificially high levels of cheap liquidity through its special facilities and carry trade deals with the bank of Japan and perhaps a few other client states. The proposed mechanism will be that the big banks will provide an 'off balance sheet conduit' to allow cheap money into the economy without having to ease rates in general.

This will not work. It will further increase the distortions in an economy with an already outsized and corrupted financial sector. The end result will be the inevitable collapse of the dollar, and a bout of stagflation that could be memorable.

The central planning element of the Fed has done it again. Their 'tinkering' with the markets is going to launch us into a new Great Depression. The fault does not lie with Bernanke per se, but primarily with Chairman Greenspan, and the Clinton and Bush administrations, who were without sound economic principle being driven totally by short term pragmatic contingencies, sometimes known as Rubinomics. In that respect, they have been representative of the worst aspects of American business management.

The corporatocracy has brought us to ruin despite the daily propaganda broadcasts from their bunkers. A financial storm has been unleashed that they will not be able to tame without allowing it to wreak havoc. It may happen in stages, there will be an ebb and flow to daily events, but the great unwinding of the status quo is well underway.

Dieses ist der Untergang der Dollar.


Between a Rock and a Hard Place
Tim Duy
Economist's View

Fedspeak turned decidedly hawkish this week, and market participants responded accordingly, moving up expectations for a rate hike to as early as this August. But Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke really ready to follow through? The answer could make or break the Dollar in the coming weeks.

Recall that just last week, Bernanke sent clear signals that rising near-term inflation expectations effectively put an end to the Fed’s rate cutting. But Bernanke’s concerns were quickly overtaken by events in two separate directions at the end of the week. First, on Thursday European Central Bank President Jean-Claude Trichet surprised markets by suggesting that the ECB’s next move might be a rate increase, as early as next month. Trichet’s comments were a slap in the face to traders betting that the interest rate differential between the US and Europe would narrow; instead, it looked like the opposite would happen, and markets needed to adjust accordingly. Dollar down, oil up – neither of which the Fed wanted to see. But this was only a prelude to Friday’s debacle that followed the release of the May employment report.

Market participants were looking for a stronger employment report. Initial unemployment claims fell last week, while the ADP report suggested the private payrolls actually increased. Instead of a strong report, the BLS reported what should have been expected – a continued erosion of the labor market. On the establishment side, the nonfarm payrolls decline was largely consistent with the story told by initial claims. On the household side, the jump in the unemployment rate was shocking, but was magnified by a surge of teenagers entering the job market (presumably seeking additional gas money).

I think discounting this impact is appropriate, at least until we see the June numbers. Still, even adjusting for the teen influx, the report was undeniably weaker than most expected, and brought into question the ability of the Fed to hold rates steady this year, let alone raise them. This realization sent the Dollar into a tailspin, while oil, aided by renewed tensions in the Middle East, rocketed to a new high.

Friday’s price action likely confirmed what Fed officials only grudgingly considered up to now – that they need to take seriously the idea that US monetary policy is directly impacting commodity prices, contributing to a deterioration of US inflation expectations. Bernanke was quick to react, downplaying the employment report, claiming that the risk of a substantial downturn has dissipated over the last month, and, to top it off, claimed that policymakers would “strongly resist” any rise in inflation expectations.

But does anyone believe Bernanke can follow through on this threat? According to MarketWatch, Fedwatchers are lining up to call his bluff. Across the Curve succinctly, and colorfully, describes the situation:

I think the 2 year part of the curve is oversold. I think (I know) the economy is weak. It is an election year and the unemployment rate just jumped to 5.5 percent. The housing market is a debacle. The Fed’s favored metric the core PCE has strayed very little from the top end of its prescribed range. Hemingway and Fitzgerald are not writing novels about World War One and this is not the Weimar Republic. The credit markets are frayed frazzled and fragile. Recovery has barely begun.
And hence we see the crux of the problem for Bernanke. Deserved or not, he has a credibility problem; at this point, he is seen as simply an inflationist hell-bent on fighting the Fed’s ghosts of the Great Depression. It is just so hard to believe that he would raise rates in the current environment, regardless of inflation expectations. We could believe Trichet. We could believe former Fed Chairman Paul Volker. But Bernanke? Still, with central bankers around the globe shifting gears to tackle rising inflation (see Bloomberg and WSJ), Bernanke may not have much choice. Any hint of hesitation to follow on the Fed’s part will likely renew the attack on the Dollar and push oil prices even higher, thereby undoing the recent string of jawboning.

But hiking rates is an equally dangerous path. Most obviously, the economy is clearly in a precarious position, temporarily held together by the flow of fiscal stimulus and cheap money. Raising rates would almost certainly upset this delicate balance. Furthermore, higher rates threaten to intensify and lengthen the housing downturn; a 30-year conventional mortgage is already at 6.25%. Note also the Fed would be raising rates into what many believe will be the second wave of mortgage problems, the Alt-A and option adjustable mortgages that reset beginning in 2009. If the Fed starts raising rates meaningfully at this point, anticipate the yield curve to invert early next year, signaling a recession in 2010.

Another risk is political. Normally, I would not place much weight on the importance of an election year, but to initiate a tightening campaign with rising unemployment and stagnating real incomes gives me pause. The political response is all too predictable: Why is the Fed so eager to support Wall Street in their hour of need, but equally eager to abandon Main Street when unemployment is rising? Indeed, I would not be surprised to see some Senators start jawboning the Fed by the end of this week. With four spots on the Board open for the next Administration to place, independence of the Fed cannot be taken for granted.

Bottom Line: The Fed has no one to blame for their predicament but themselves. Bernanke & Co. cut rates too deeply, fighting a battle against deflation that never was. Now they are backed into a corner; either raise rates and risk upsetting a very fragile economy, or stay the path and risk the inflationary consequences. If the Fed is truly concerned about the Dollar and commodity prices – and their open talk about currency values implies real and serious concerns – Bernanke will have to follow through with his newfound hawkish side. The bluntness of Fedspeak looks to signal a dramatic shift in thinking on Constitution Ave., and that argues for a rate hike by September, earlier than I had previously expected, and I cannot rule out an August move. Such a move is not without considerable risk for the economy.


US Home Prices May Decline by a Third Into 2010 as Bonds Weaken Further


US home prices may dip 30 pct, junk bonds to weaken further
Wed Jun 11, 2008 11:53am EDT
(corrected for timeframe)

NEW YORK, June 11 (Reuters) - U.S. home prices may fall as much as 30 percent through 2010 and push high-yield bond valuations close to levels seen during the last recession, a J.P. Morgan analyst said on Wednesday.

"The housing correction is in a down phase," Peter Acciavatti, credit analyst and managing director at JP Morgan Securities Inc, said during a a high-yield bond conference in New York. "We're now going through a phase of deleveraging and the pulling out of easy money."

Home prices may fall 25 percent to 30 percent from their peak in 2006 and not hit bottom until 2010, with greater drops still in subprime mortgage debt markets, he said.

In a separate interview, the analyst said junk bond spreads will push past 800 basis points and may top 900 basis points as the crisis drags out. High-yield bonds now trade at spreads of about 650 basis points over Treasuries, according to Merrill Lynch & Co data.

Acciavatti spoke during a presentation at the New York Society of Security Analysts. (Reporting by Walden Siew; Editing by James Dalgleish)


10 June 2008

Precious Metals Funds and Trusts - Net Asset Values


What is Really Spooking Wall Street - Policy Change is in the Wind


Although we certainly do not agree with all of his strawman proposals, its important to listen to the change that is in the wind as we stand on the cusp of the decline of Republican political power in the US.

There is little doubt, upon reflection, that Bush fiscal policy decisions have favored certain classes of Americans to the disadvantage of others, and fostered an imbalanced economy heavy on financial manipulation and anemic in real production.

We can expect a screaming hysteria as the new wave of politicians seek to overturn the status quo, with appeals to 'free markets' and 'less government' coming the loudest from those who have benefited the most in the corporatocracy which first the Clinton and then the Bush Administrations have cultivated.

Most Americans have only sound bytes of historical knowledge, if any: a slogan here, a memorized date there. If the next eight years are anything like we think they might be, like the changes that swept the nation in the administrations of Franklin Delano Roosevelt or Abraham Lincoln, then the next president may be both the most beloved and most reviled president in decades, depending on which side of the table that one sits.

For those with a certain detached frame of mind, we have ringside seats to history. And as for our practical instincts, times of change and crisis are times of volatility, fresh trends, and opportunity.


The world must rethink the sources of growth
Joseph Stiglitz
Tuesday, 10 June, 2008

NEW YORK: Around the world, protests against soaring food and fuel prices are mounting. The poor – and even the middle classes – are seeing their incomes squeezed as the global economy enters a slowdown. Politicians want to respond to their constituents’ legitimate concerns, but do not know what to do.

In the United States, both Hillary Clinton and John McCain took the easy way out, and supported a suspension of the gasoline tax, at least for the summer. Only Barack Obama stood his ground and rejected the proposal, which would have merely increased demand for gasoline – and thereby offset the effect of the tax cut.

But if Clinton and McCain were wrong, what should be done? One cannot simply ignore the pleas of those who are suffering. In the US, real middle-class incomes have not yet recovered to the levels attained before the last recession in 1991.


When George Bush was elected, he claimed that tax cuts for the rich would cure all the economy’s ailments. The benefits of tax-cut-fuelled growth would trickle down to all – policies that have become fashionable in Europe and elsewhere, but that have failed.

Tax cuts were supposed to stimulate savings, but household savings in the US have plummeted to zero. They were supposed to stimulate employment, but labour force participation is lower than in the 1990’s. What growth did occur benefited only the few at the top.

Productivity grew, for a while, but it wasn’t because of Wall Street financial innovations. The financial products being created didn’t manage risk; they enhanced risk. They were so non-transparent and complex that neither Wall Street nor the ratings agencies could properly assess them.

Meanwhile, the financial sector failed to create products that would help ordinary people manage the risks they faced, including the risks of home ownership. Millions of Americans will likely lose their homes and, with them, their life savings.

At the core of America’s success is technology, symbolised by Silicon Valley. The irony is that the scientists making the advances that enable technology-based growth, and the venture capital firms that finance it were not the ones reaping the biggest rewards in the heyday of the real estate bubble. These real investments are overshadowed by the games that have been absorbing most participants in financial markets.

The world needs to rethink the sources of growth. If the foundations of economic growth lie in advances in science and technology, not in speculation in real estate or financial markets, then tax systems must be realigned.

Why should those who make their income by gambling in Wall Street’s casinos be taxed at a lower rate than those who earn their money in other ways?

Capital gains should be taxed at least at as high a rate as ordinary income. (Such returns will, in any case, get a substantial benefit because the tax is not imposed until the gain is realised.) In addition, there should be a windfall profits tax on oil and gas companies.

Given the huge increase in inequality in most countries, higher taxes for those who have done well – to help those who have lost ground from globalisation and technological change – are in order, and could also ameliorate the strains imposed by soaring food and energy prices.

Countries, like the US, with food stamp programmes clearly need to increase the value of these subsidies in order to ensure that nutrition standards do not deteriorate. Those countries without such programmes might think about instituting them.

Two factors set off today’s crisis: the Iraq war contributed to the run-up in oil prices, including through increased instability in the Middle East, the low cost provider of oil, while bio-fuels have meant that food and energy markets are increasingly integrated.

Although the focus on renewable energy sources is welcome, policies that distort food supply are not. America’s subsidies for corn-based ethanol contribute more to the coffers of ethanol producers than they do to curtailing global warming.


Huge agriculture subsidies in the US and the European Union have weakened agriculture in the developing world, where too little international assistance was directed at improving agriculture productivity.

Development aid for agriculture has fallen from a high of 17% of total aid to just 3% today, with some international donors demanding that fertiliser subsidies be eliminated, making it even more difficult for cash-strapped farmers to compete.


Rich countries must reduce, if not eliminate, distortional agriculture and energy policies, and help those in the poorest countries improve their capacity to produce food.

But this is just a start: we have treated our most precious resources – clean water and air – as if they were free. Only new patterns of consumption and production – a new economic model – can address that most fundamental resource problem. – Project Syndicate

Joseph E Stiglitz, Professor at Columbia University, received the 2001 Nobel Prize in economics. He is the co-author, with Linda Bilmes, of The Three Trillion Dollar War: The True Costs of the Iraq Conflict