FDR Speech 1936

"On the eve of a national election, it is well for us to stop for a moment and analyze calmly and without prejudice the effect on our Nation of a victory by either of the major political parties.

The problem of the electorate is far deeper, far more vital than the continuance in the Presidency of any individual. For the greater issue goes beyond units of humanity—it goes to humanity itself.

In 1932 the issue was the restoration of American democracy; and the American people were in a mood to win. They did win. In 1936 the issue is the preservation of their victory. Again they are in a mood to win. Again they will win.

More than four years ago in accepting the Democratic nomination in Chicago, I said: "Give me your help not to win votes alone, but to win in this crusade to restore America to its own people."

The banners of that crusade still fly in the van of a Nation that is on the march.

It is needless to repeat the details of the program which this Administration has been hammering out on the anvils of experience. No amount of misrepresentation or statistical contortion can conceal or blur or smear that record. Neither the attacks of unscrupulous enemies nor the exaggerations of over-zealous friends will serve to mislead the American people.

What was our hope in 1932? Above all other things the American people wanted peace. They wanted peace of mind instead of gnawing fear.

First, they sought escape from the personal terror which had stalked them for three years. They wanted the peace that comes from security in their homes: safety for their savings, permanence in their jobs, a fair profit from their enterprise.

Next, they wanted peace in the community, the peace that springs from the ability to meet the needs of community life: schools, playgrounds, parks, sanitation, highways—those things which are expected of solvent local government. They sought escape from disintegration and bankruptcy in local and state affairs.

They also sought peace within the Nation: protection of their currency, fairer wages, the ending of long hours of toil, the abolition of child labor, the elimination of wild-cat speculation, the safety of their children from kidnappers.

And, finally, they sought peace with other Nations—peace in a world of unrest. The Nation knows that I hate war, and I know that the Nation hates war.

I submit to you a record of peace; and on that record a well-founded expectation for future peace—peace for the individual, peace for the community, peace for the Nation, and peace with the world.

Tonight I call the roll—the roll of honor of those who stood with us in 1932 and still stand with us today.

Written on it are the names of millions who never had a chance—men at starvation wages, women in sweatshops, children at looms.

Written on it are the names of those who despaired, young men and young women for whom opportunity had become a will-o'-the-wisp.

Written on it are the names of farmers whose acres yielded only bitterness, business men whose books were portents of disaster, home owners who were faced with eviction, frugal citizens whose savings were insecure.

Written there in large letters are the names of countless other Americans of all parties and all faiths, Americans who had eyes to see and hearts to understand, whose consciences were burdened because too many of their fellows were burdened, who looked on these things four years ago and said, "This can be changed. We will change it."

We still lead that army in 1936. They stood with us then because in 1932 they believed. They stand with us today because in 1936 they know. And with them stand millions of new recruits who have come to know.

Their hopes have become our record.

We have not come this far without a struggle and I assure you we cannot go further without a struggle.

For twelve years this Nation was afflicted with hear-nothing, see-nothing, do-nothing Government. The Nation looked to Government but the Government looked away. Nine mocking years with the golden calf and three long years of the scourge! Nine crazy years at the ticker and three long years in the breadlines! Nine mad years of mirage and three long years of despair! Powerful influences strive today to restore that kind of government with its doctrine that that Government is best which is most indifferent.

For nearly four years you have had an Administration which instead of twirling its thumbs has rolled up its sleeves. We will keep our sleeves rolled up.

We had to struggle with the old enemies of peace—business and financial monopoly, speculation, reckless banking, class antagonism, sectionalism, war profiteering.

They had begun to consider the Government of the United States as a mere appendage to their own affairs. We know now that Government by organized money is just as dangerous as Government by organized mob.

Never before in all our history have these forces been so united against one candidate as they stand today. They are unanimous in their hate for me—and I welcome their hatred.

I should like to have it said of my first Administration that in it the forces of selfishness and of lust for power met their match. I should like to have it said of my second Administration that in it these forces met their master.

The American people know from a four-year record that today there is only one entrance to the White House—by the front door. Since March 4, 1933, there has been only one pass-key to the White House. I have carried that key in my pocket. It is there tonight. So long as I am President, it will remain in my pocket.

Those who used to have pass-keys are not happy. Some of them are desperate. Only desperate men with their backs to the wall would descend so far below the level of decent citizenship as to foster the current pay-envelope campaign against America's working people. Only reckless men, heedless of consequences, would risk the disruption of the hope for a new peace between worker and employer by returning to the tactics of the labor spy.

Here is an amazing paradox! The very employers and politicians and publishers who talk most loudly of class antagonism and the destruction of the American system now undermine that system by this attempt to coerce the votes of the wage earners of this country. It is the 1936 version of the old threat to close down the factory or the office if a particular candidate does not win. It is an old strategy of tyrants to delude their victims into fighting their battles for them.

Every message in a pay envelope, even if it is the truth, is a command to vote according to the will of the employer. But this propaganda is worse—it is deceit.

They tell the worker his wage will be reduced by a contribution to some vague form of old-age insurance. They carefully conceal from him the fact that for every dollar of premium he pays for that insurance, the employer pays another dollar. That omission is deceit.

They carefully conceal from him the fact that under the federal law, he receives another insurance policy to help him if he loses his job, and that the premium of that policy is paid 100 percent by the employer and not one cent by the worker. They do not tell him that the insurance policy that is bought for him is far more favorable to him than any policy that any private insurance company could afford to issue. That omission is deceit.

They imply to him that he pays all the cost of both forms of insurance. They carefully conceal from him the fact that for every dollar put up by him his employer puts up three dollars three for one. And that omission is deceit.

But they are guilty of more than deceit. When they imply that the reserves thus created against both these policies will be stolen by some future Congress, diverted to some wholly foreign purpose, they attack the integrity and honor of American Government itself. Those who suggest that, are already aliens to the spirit of American democracy. Let them emigrate and try their lot under some foreign flag in which they have more confidence.

The fraudulent nature of this attempt is well shown by the record of votes on the passage of the Social Security Act. In addition to an overwhelming majority of Democrats in both Houses, seventy-seven Republican Representatives voted for it and only eighteen against it and fifteen Republican Senators voted for it and only five against it. Where does this last-minute drive of the Republican leadership leave these Republican Representatives and Senators who helped enact this law?

I am sure the vast majority of law-abiding businessmen who are not parties to this propaganda fully appreciate the extent of the threat to honest business contained in this coercion.

I have expressed indignation at this form of campaigning and I am confident that the overwhelming majority of employers, workers and the general public share that indignation and will show it at the polls on Tuesday next.

Aside from this phase of it, I prefer to remember this campaign not as bitter but only as hard-fought. There should be no bitterness or hate where the sole thought is the welfare of the United States of America. No man can occupy the office of President without realizing that he is President of all the people.

It is because I have sought to think in terms of the whole Nation that I am confident that today, just as four years ago, the people want more than promises.

Our vision for the future contains more than promises.

This is our answer to those who, silent about their own plans, ask us to state our objectives.

Of course we will continue to seek to improve working conditions for the workers of America—to reduce hours over-long, to increase wages that spell starvation, to end the labor of children, to wipe out sweatshops. Of course we will continue every effort to end monopoly in business, to support collective bargaining, to stop unfair competition, to abolish dishonorable trade practices. For all these we have only just begun to fight.

Of course we will continue to work for cheaper electricity in the homes and on the farms of America, for better and cheaper transportation, for low interest rates, for sounder home financing, for better banking, for the regulation of security issues, for reciprocal trade among nations, for the wiping out of slums. For all these we have only just begun to fight.

Of course we will continue our efforts in behalf of the farmers of America. With their continued cooperation we will do all in our power to end the piling up of huge surpluses which spelled ruinous prices for their crops. We will persist in successful action for better land use, for reforestation, for the conservation of water all the way from its source to the sea, for drought and flood control, for better marketing facilities for farm commodities, for a definite reduction of farm tenancy, for encouragement of farmer cooperatives, for crop insurance and a stable food supply. For all these we have only just begun to fight.

Of course we will provide useful work for the needy unemployed; we prefer useful work to the pauperism of a dole.

Here and now I want to make myself clear about those who disparage their fellow citizens on the relief rolls. They say that those on relief are not merely jobless—that they are worthless. Their solution for the relief problem is to end relief—to purge the rolls by starvation. To use the language of the stock broker, our needy unemployed would be cared for when, as, and if some fairy godmother should happen on the scene.

You and I will continue to refuse to accept that estimate of our unemployed fellow Americans. Your Government is still on the same side of the street with the Good Samaritan and not with those who pass by on the other side.

Again—what of our objectives?

Of course we will continue our efforts for young men and women so that they may obtain an education and an opportunity to put it to use. Of course we will continue our help for the crippled, for the blind, for the mothers, our insurance for the unemployed, our security for the aged. Of course we will continue to protect the consumer against unnecessary price spreads, against the costs that are added by monopoly and speculation. We will continue our successful efforts to increase his purchasing power and to keep it constant.

For these things, too, and for a multitude of others like them, we have only just begun to fight.

All this—all these objectives—spell peace at home. All our actions, all our ideals, spell also peace with other nations.

Today there is war and rumor of war. We want none of it. But while we guard our shores against threats of war, we will continue to remove the causes of unrest and antagonism at home which might make our people easier victims to those for whom foreign war is profitable. You know well that those who stand to profit by war are not on our side in this campaign.

"Peace on earth, good will toward men"—democracy must cling to that message. For it is my deep conviction that democracy cannot live without that true religion which gives a nation a sense of justice and of moral purpose. Above our political forums, above our market places stand the altars of our faith—altars on which burn the fires of devotion that maintain all that is best in us and all that is best in our Nation.

We have need of that devotion today. It is that which makes it possible for government to persuade those who are mentally prepared to fight each other to go on instead, to work for and to sacrifice for each other. That is why we need to say with the Prophet: "What doth the Lord require of thee—but to do justly, to love mercy and to walk humbly with thy God." That is why the recovery we seek, the recovery we are winning, is more than economic. In it are included justice and love and humility, not for ourselves as individuals alone, but for our Nation.

That is the road to peace."

Franklin D. Roosevelt
Madison Square Garden, October 31, 1936

Gold Daily and Silver Weekly Charts - Options Expiry on the Comex - Porcus Interruptus

As the old WW I ballad said, "I don't know where we're going, but we're on our way."

"Goodbye everybody I'm off to fight the foe
Uncle Sammy is calling me so I must go
Gee I'm feeling fine don't you wish that you were me?
For I'm sailing tomorrow over the deep blue sea.

And I don't know where I'm going but I'm on my way
For I belong to the regulars I'm proud to say
And I'll do my duty night or day
I don't know where I'm going but I'm on my way."

Boehner Pulls Out of Debt Talks - Economist's View

Although a complete failure is not likely, the drama queens, carnies, and thespians in Washington may take the budget deficit talks down to the wire to deeply impress the yokels and the locals of the seriousness of the situation, and be duly grateful that it is in the hands of major players.

Have you noticed a tendency amongst the pigmen to threaten dire consequences and annihilation whenever they are running a bluff and wish to get their way? These financial fellows and their minions have issued more threats and ultimatums in the last few years than al Qaeda.

While they are dancing on the edge of a precipice, it is possible that they could slip and fall. However, since no one in their right mind really wishes to see a default, except perhaps for a few delusional political opportunists and talk show Bonapartes, perhaps cooler heads will prevail.  There are however, the ever present carrion feeders and sociopaths from Wall Street, who would benefit from any economic crisis, and would do so gladly no matter the pain endured by others.

Beside political campaign reform, it appears as though Washington is badly in need of adult supervision.

Have a pleasant weekend.

SP 500 and NDX Futures Daily Charts - Interesting Times Ahead

Markets were shocked when CAT came in light on earnings this morning despite posting a healthy 37 percent increase in revenue. The profit shortfall was attributed to "inflation in raw materials and labor." Of course there was no inflation in that revenue right? I wonder if they are having trouble hedging their forex exposure again.

Markets are coiling for moves which may be large based on the resolution of the US budget impasse, one way or the other.

I think it is theater, but it is not impossible that the players might accidentally stumble over a cliff. More likely the can will be kicked down road-wise, and both sides will claim victory, although the Dems will eat crow served up by that rascally Uncle Obama. How come he never betrays the money men? Oh, dumb question, never mind.

However, out of all this, I think a credible challenge to Obama is shaping up for the elections next year, and not from the extruded corporate man, Mitt Romney, or the banjo-playing daisy mae's Palin and Bachmann.

The fat cats were begging Chris Christie to run, but he knows he is over his head as it is and the skeletons in his closet might not survive national exposure. There is Perry of course, but that strawman needs a brain like Karl Rove to pull it off.

The O-Man talks a great game, and he might pull it off again, but this time he is burdened with a track record that does not match his words.

No I think we will see a dark horse candidate, maybe a third party or even a Democrat primary challenge, take Obama on. And he has no one to blame but himself. He will most likely cry all the way to the bank, following young Timmy to Wall Street in some capacity. I think he has blown his chance to be the greeter at Wynn's Las Vegas.

The Trap: James Goldsmith on GATT and the Consequences of Multinationalism and Policy Failures

This interview was done in 1994, when Bill Clinton was promoting free trade and multinationalism, but had not yet made a deal with China to allow them to devalue their currency and then receive favored nation status.

You can decide for yourself, with the benefit of retrospect, the value of the arguments presented.

"Free trade" as defined by neo-liberal policies is a leveling tool that creates a few big winners and many more big losers, and reduces the middle class to the lowest common denominator of indentured servitude. 

The goal of multinationalism is to destroy local government, choice, and sovereignty, through financial and military means.   The will to power cuts across diverse forms of government, because of its attitude of the power of the few and the worth of the many.  It defines what is 'human' to suit its needs of the moment.

The primary problem with unregulated trade, not considered within the context of overall social and public policy,  is that it becomes a natural weapon for oligarchies and multinationals to use against local and regional government and public policy decisions, taxation, environmental laws, human rights.  It is a major stepping stone to world government. There is a recurring movement among the powerful to bring the world under their control. It is the natural extension of their greed for power. There is never 'enough.'  Sociopathic greed is a disease, and it sows the seeds of its own destruction.  Always. 

And this is why idealistic models of unregulated free market economics fall apart in practice, always.

Trade *could* be used to uplift the developing world, if it was accompanied by local reforms and progressive public policy, but in practice is most often used to create a huge social divide in the developed countries, and promote a return to a feudalistic political structure. Rather than uplift, it reduces the world to the least common denominator of quality of life and freedom. 

One of the most significant problems is mercantilism, employed by oligarchic countries and multinational corporations, within the context of a fiat currency system wherein they are relatively free to short circuit all the market mechanisms that would prevent a few countries from creating enormous trade imbalances in a partnership with powerful elites and the privileged around the world.

Macro-economics has never been a pure science, but is often represented as such by those who are promoting theories that are purely political, cloaking them in false objectivity. Macro-economics is a social science, more like sociology than physics. In reality it is a subset of public policy discussions, highly slanted to ends and assumptions, attitudes and points of view about what is 'good' and valuable rather than what is a hard and replicable principles of nature, objectively true based on some endurable physical law. 

So for example, if someone were to come out and say, "I think we should adopt the social structure of a nation and form of government your father spent much of their lives fighting and dying, where you give up most of your wealth and freedom to serve the powerful few who run the state," there would be a general uprising. But if the proposition is structured as the logical consequence of 'hard economic choices,' and a serious of crises, people can be led off the cliff, a few steps at a time.

"The liberties of our country, the freedoms of our civil Constitution are worth defending at all hazards; it is our duty to defend them against all attacks. We have received them as a fair inheritance from our worthy ancestors. They purchased them for us with toil and danger and expense of treasure and blood. It will bring a mark of everlasting infamy on the present generation – enlightened as it is – if we should suffer them to be wrested from us by violence without a struggle, or to be cheated out of them by the artifices of designing men."

Samuel Adams

If this trend continues, I would imagine the next step is civil unrest, and political crises that will be used to tighten the control over the public in the 'free countries,' and repress them for their own safety.  We are seeing this now in the Anglo-American client states and unpopular dictatorships overseas.

Most men are easily fooled, entrapped by their emotions, easily herded by clever arguments and the dialectic of false enemies. It is only when they step back, and look at what is happening, who benefits and who is above the law, that they begin to realize the truth. But they will not do this for quite some time, because to do so is to admit that they have been fools.  

How sad that the heirs to the 'greatest generation,' almost surely the most privileged generation in history, have in their excess become selfish, petty, and cruel.

The corollary of a few "Too Big To Fail" is that there are many individuals and small businesses who become "Too Small To Care" and then "Too Weak To Survive."

And so the weak and the undesirable are eliminated, first slowly and then with growing efficiency, for the good of the chosen few, the ubermensch, however a society chooses to define it.

Does this sound *conspiratorial* and outlandish? Check back in another ten years, and let me know how you and your children are doing. There was a budget surplus in the 1990's.  And now the nation is throwing the middle class and the weak under the bus for the sake of the financial sector and the wealthy.

Once a single global currency is achieved, it is the end game for freedom for all but a few. Those who imagine that they are part of the few are all for this, although they are sadly mistaken.  The few view them as useful idiots, disposable, and prey.

What the few themselves may not yet realize is that tyrants and empires tend, almost inevitably, to fall in disgrace, blinded and betrayed by the will to power, overcome by the love of freedom and the tide of history.  So there is hope.  But sometimes hope can become a distant memory, and freedom regained only by significant pain and loss of life, once you have released it from your grasp.

"When I despair, I remember that all through history the ways of truth and love have always won. There have been tyrants, and murderers, and for a time they can seem invincible, but in the end they always fall. Think of it--always.

Mohandas K. Gandhi